Theatre Censorship – 15: Edward Bond’s Saved (Part Three)

Bond has frequently reiterated that a major tenet of the play, as he states in the 1966 author’s note, is that Len is essentially good “in spite of his upbringing and environment, and he remains good in spite of the pressures of the play”. This is also a chief stumbling-block for many critics who cannot understand why, if he is a good person, he does not make any attempt to save the baby from the assault.

Len tells Fred that he witnessed the death by climbing a tree and looking down. There seem to be three major reasons – not necessarily justifications – for Len’s course of action: firstly, up to this stage he is immensely impractical. He fails to keep Pam’s attentions as soon as she meets another man; he does not realise he ought to attend to the crying baby; he misjudges Pam’s attitude towards the child and brings it into the bedroom where she shuns it. When he saw the gang attacking the child, he admits “I didn’t know what t’do. Well, I should a stopped yer.”. So, at least he realises his mistake; but he is hypnotised by the action, and does not necessarily want it to stop because it satisfies his hunger for experience, usually satisfied by incessant questioning.

A second cause of hesitance on his part is that he is presented with a problem which would make him choose between friends; his loyalties are divided. If he were to attempt to save the child, he would land Fred in trouble. It was a question of divided loyalties which caused the baby to be left alone in the first place; Len had to choose whether to stay behind and look after the child or to follow Pam and comfort her; he chose to follow Pam because he had known her longer, because she was so obviously distressed and because he feared she might have done some damage to herself. The baby faced no such problems, and, indeed, its father was present anyway.

By showing this failing in Len’s character, Bond demonstrates that Len is not totally “good”, and therefore not very different from his acquaintances; it also gives Len “room for improvement”, towards which he certainly strives. It wouldn’t be realistic for Len to possess a semi-divine goodness, given his position in the messy and claustrophobic environment of this play. Good but flawed, maybe? This raises another question: if Len’s action is designed to portray him as only a partly “good” person, surely he would nevertheless have attempted to save the baby. In a matter of life or death, a partly “good” person would prove themselves wholly good; their “goodness” might be lacking in lesser areas of life. It’s hardly reasonable to accept a baby dying unnecessarily. Is this an irreconcilable fault in the play?

Another quote from Bond’s author’s note of 1966: “The play ends in a silent social stalemate, but if the spectator thinks this is pessimistic that is because he has not learned to clutch at straws. Clutching at straws is the only realistic thing to do.” The faults in Len’s character are the price one must pay for appreciating the good aspect of his nature; and, taken as a whole, Len is a good character. He helps Mary with her shopping; he looks after Pam when she is ill; he sleeps with the door open so that he can hear if the baby starts crying (by this stage he knows that it is wrong for a baby to be left crying); he tries to encourage Pam to love the baby by bringing it in for her to see; he tries to encourage Fred to visit Pam more often and go out with her; he notes that Pam has left the brake of the pram off, and puts it on; and also it seems that from the death of the child onwards, Len gains in practicality. When he visits Fred in prison, he remembers to bring him some cigarettes, unlike Pam, who forgot. He offers to clean Mary’s shoes for her, so that she looks more presentable when she goes to the cinema. In the final scene, only Len is doing anything positive or constructive: he mends the chair broken by Harry.

This is the way that Len is “saved”, and therefore I think I agree with Bond that the play is indeed optimistic. You could stretch the symbolism to see Len’s mending the chair as an example of his holding the entire family together. The final scene shows Pam, Mary and Harry, all separate, masters of their own little territory, with no thought for the other members of the household. Len is the only one who is prepared to communicate: “Fetch me ‘ammer”, he says, to no one in particular, and no one responds. Yet Len shows no sign of disappointment and continues to work hard at his objective. Bond notes: “Curiously, most theatre critics would say that for the play to be optimistic Len should have run away. Fifty years ago, when, the same critics would probably say, moral standards were higher, they would have praised him for the loyalty and devotion with which he stuck to his post”.

For Len to run away and for the play still to be considered optimistic would imply that there was no hope for the family and that any attempt at unification would be in vain. But Bond has already shown that Len can improve, and in that he is no different from anyone else in the play. You can therefore assume that things will improve; or, at least, clutch at the straw that says they might improve. At any rate, Len has teased a friendly and significant conversation out of Harry, who has responded to Len’s personality; because Harry cares about Len, he questions the suitability of the current arrangement, as Len bears the brunt of everyone’s unpleasantness. At the same time, Harry makes a plea that Len might stay. It is the only real occasion when anyone apart from Len questions anything. Len poses questions in the same way that the play does; both want to know why expected, standard, decent behaviour does not take place. Therefore, Len asks Pam how her family broke up, and Len asks Fred what it felt like to kill a baby. This causes friction not only because of the characters’ natural reticence to explain anything, but also because of what Hay and Roberts refer to in Bond – a study of his plays as their “paper-thin security”.

Bond’s own opinion of the structure of the play may at first appear surprising. He describes it as “formally, a comedy” and, added to this, there is also a considerable degree of conventionality in the development of the story, although elsewhere its conventions are thwarted. It may seem odd to consider a play where a baby is stoned to death a comedy, but then a son dies and a woman is turned to stone in The Winter’s Tale, which is also – apparently – a comedy. You might maintain that Shakespeare’s play is a comedy because everything turns out well in the end; but isn’t that also the case in Saved? Furthermore, Bond writes some delightfully humorous scenes, largely deriving from sexual awkwardness or embarrassment. The bumbling, neurotic ineptitude of Len in the first scene is very funny, particularly because of the suddenness of the whole situation. The two scenes of hinted sexual frisson between Len and Mary also contain elements of humour; particularly scene three, where the members of the gang are surprised to see that it is Mary for whom Len is waiting and not Pam or someone of her age. Scene nine between Len and Mary has a more sinister sense of humour, but the incongruity of the situation keeps it light, and the brief appearance of Harry halfway through the scene recalls the humour of exactly the same occurrence in the seduction scene between Len and Pam.

Structurally, the play does not begin with background explanations followed by events; it opens with an important event and the merest hint of characterisation and subsequently fills out their lives and those of the people around them. Bond is at his most skilful when introducing a relevant fact before the audience realises that it is relevant. Early in scene two Len tells Pam: “Thass about one thing your ol’ girl don’t do…nag ‘er ol’ man”. A few minutes later, he asks: “’Ow’d they manage?…They writes notes or somethin’?” Similarly, before she has even met Fred, Pam remarks how hungry she is, and Len guesses: “I reckon yer got a kid on the way”.

Bond also ensures that we are never unprepared for an event: not only have Pete’s account of the child he killed and Fred’s fishing scene prepared us for the violence of scene six, but Pam tells us, as early as scene two, of the death of her brother, who was killed by a bomb in the park. History repeats itself. One could complain that in some ways the play is artificially neat; remember J. W. Lambert’s disappointment at what he saw as the contrivance of the play. The conventionality also extends to moments of both typical domesticity and typical romance, like wasting lazy Sundays on a boating-pool. Even the short episode where Pam bursts Len’s spot is, although icky, an act of caring, and homeliness; it is a human equivalent of chimpanzees searching each other for fleas.

However, there is an antagonism in the structure. The conventionality stresses the importance of scene seven, showing Fred in jail, because of its central position, just before the interval. Hay and Roberts believe it is the fulcrum of the play suggesting “the basic domestic triangle” and therefore making the focal point highly personal, unlike the wider tragedy of scene six, the baby-stoning scene, which, if that were the focal point of the play, would make it an impersonal one. The structure pushes the baby-stoning scene six into the background. However, despite Bond’s intentions, scene six is the most memorable; virtually all the critics who commented on the play used that scene as a springboard for their criticisms.

In my next post, which will be the last one about Saved, I’ll consider the troubles that it caused the censor.

Theatre Censorship – 14: Edward Bond’s Saved (Part Two)

The baby-stoning scene (scene six) makes such an impact that it almost destroys the structure of the play. However, the culmination of the play’s violent current does not come until scene eleven. Unlike the earlier scene, this does not result in any death, but it is the wilfulness and malice depicted here, the degree of which has not been encountered elsewhere, which is so disturbing. Pam’s parents Mary and Harry have not exchanged words for years, and it is therefore a great shock to both the audience and Pam to find the couple in the middle of an argument. Their argument quickly accelerates into violence: Mary hits Harry with the teapot so that scalding tea pours over him. The teapot was Mary’s chosen weapon in the war of property waged earlier in the scene; as they cannot identify with each other, they must identify with their own possessions, and it was the interdependence of Mary’s teapot and Harry’s tea that was the catalyst for this showdown.

After she has hit him – their first real act of communication – she blames him for the fact that the teapot has been broken. As a weapon, the teapot has fulfilled its purpose and outlived its usefulness; like a bee, whose weapon, its sting, is saved for the moment of greatest provocation; and afterwards, it dies. The violence stems from the mutual hatred between Mary and Harry, and it is because they are not used to any communication between each other that the whole incident escalates out of control; it is the inevitable result of the release of so much accumulated tension. This is Bond’s plainest statement of violence; the need to communicate and interact combined with hatred in a claustrophobic atmosphere, with only one direction in which to escape.

To return to Bond’s analogy of the dog – “human beings are violent animals only in the way that dogs are swimming animals” – Mary and Harry can find no path with which to skirt the lake of co-existence and have no alternative but to swim across. But Bond also states in the essay On Violence: “Human violence is contingent, not necessary, and occurs in situations that can be identified and prevented. These are situations in which people are at such physical and emotional risk that their life is neither natural nor free”. Mary and Harry’s barriered existence could not continue forever; if Pam could somehow have unified the family – and perhaps her baby would have been helpful here – then this violent episode could have been averted, and they might have all been able to get on. Unfortunately, it provides only a momentary relief; in the final scene of the play there seems to be a total lack of communication between everybody.

Of scene six, J. W. Lambert reflected the concerns of many when he posed the question in the Sunday Times of 11th November 1965, “was there ever a psychopathic exercise so lovingly dwelt on as this, spun out with such apparent relish and refinement of detail?” The detail, it should be said, is no more refined here than anywhere else in the play, which is written with beautiful precision, and with highly detailed stage directions. By making the play more explicit in this way, Bond deliberately asks the audience not to use their imagination; what you see is what you get, and everyone sees the same thing, everyone is an equal witness, as though we were observing some strange ritual. Similarly, the scene is no more “spun out” than anywhere else in the play; admittedly scene six is the longest scene in the play, but it also contains the fishing episode, as well as dealing with the most emotive issue within the play, the death of the baby. Had the scene been shorter, the tension and suspense would have been lost. Indeed, had the death been speedy, the charge of gratuitous violence might have been more justified. A quick death would have negated Bond’s attempts to prove that humans are not necessarily violent.

The description “a psychopathic exercise” is much more difficult to discuss. You may think of killers who have no motive as being psychopaths, and this description certainly applies to the members of the gang. However, Bond has attempted to prove that the youths are merely following in society’s footsteps and are, in fact, perfectly ordinary individuals themselves. It is society, says Bond, that is psychopathic. So the scene really is a “psychopathic exercise”, at least, because it sets out to prove something. Lambert describes it as an exercise, and therefore artificial, with a reasonably convincing argument for believing much of the scene to be contrived: “Why does the baby, which has previously howled for a quarter of an hour at a stretch, utter no sounds? For practical reasons, obviously – and a perfunctory reference to its having been dosed with aspirin only underlines the contrivance. And after the killing, when the reluctant mother Pam returns, how are we to accept that she never so much as glances into the pram to notice the mangled little corpse? Again the perfunctory statement that “I can’t bear to look at you” only underlines the contrivance.”

Bond defended his play from such criticisms both in letters to newspapers and at a “teach-in” held at the Royal Court on 14th November 1965 under the chairmanship of who else but Kenneth Tynan. Here’s an extract from an article entitled Critics Hold Teach-in on Saved, published in The Times, on 15th November:

“According to Miss Mary McCarthy, who opened the discussion, the play was concerned with “limit and decorum”. She thought it showed a “remarkable delicacy”, and praised the infanticide scene for its “delicate escalation”. This was not a view that had occurred to the play’s other critics – even its admirers… There followed a practice scene under the direction of Mr William Gaskill who denied any intention of giving the audience a sado-masochistic thrill. “We wanted to show the whole of life that includes the sudden accident, but also the hours and hours in which nothing happens. Imitation of a violent action is the most difficult of all to present in a theatre – that’s why the Greeks avoided it… In the second half of the evening, the Rev. Stanley Evans, Vicar of St Marks, Battersea, commented on the Christian dilemma of making contact with the area of society portrayed in the play; and an approving Roman Catholic lady in the audience said that on the evening’s showing, Britain’s drama critics ought not to have their jobs”.

Another aspect of the play which offended many was the amount of sexual joking and banter which takes place, usually among the gang members, although Len also joins in on certain occasions and Pam responds to it in a positive way; it is Fred’s sexual forwardness that first attracts him to her. Penelope Gilliatt, in a reasonably fair review in The Observer, dated 11th November 1965, commented: “The scene where a baby is pelted to death by a gang is nauseating. The swagger of the sex jokes is almost worse.” The sexual content of the general conversation in the play is a natural reflection of the sexual tension generated by characters such as Pam and Fred. So is the faltering physical scene between Len and Mary – which has been presaged in scene three where the gang had teased Len for meeting Mary in the park; and all the sexual innuendo delivered by the gang, for example, describing Barry’s girl-friend as a “gunged-up ol’boot”. Their rhyme about Roger the Lodger typifies their attitude to sex: crude, humorous and crammed with double-entendre:

“Roger the lodger ‘ad a bad cough
‘E sneezed so ‘ard
‘Is door knob fell off.
‘Is landlady said we’ll soon ‘ave yer well,
So she pulled of ‘er drawers
‘An polished ‘is bell!”

Mary disapprovingly murmurs “lot a roughs”, but, in fact, the rhyme is prophetically close to what could have happened in that intimate scene between her and Len. With this strong sexual current in the background, it is not necessarily surprising that children should be disliked because they get in the way of limitless, condom-free sex. This may be a subconscious reason for Pete’s killing the boy, or for Fred’s lack of defence for his own child.

When Len indulges in sexual badinage he is less crude and more tentative. This is because he is not able to share in the others’ carefree attitude to sex, being both more sensitive and more nervous. That humorous first scene of the play is a seduction with a difference; it is not long before we realise that Pam has approached him, and not vice versa, and the consequent scene reveals the chief difference between Pam, who replies to Len’s “Wass yer name?” with an assertive “Yer ain’ arf nosey”, and Len, whose sexual neuroses make him hear voices, or breathing, or footsteps, each of which prevent him from taking things further. At later moments in the play he shows a prurient fascination with Fred and Harry’s sexual experiences with Pam and Mary, respectively, revealing a sexual insecurity which stems from a confusion with him; sex is the raison d’etre for all his contemporaries; but not for him, and he wonders why.

In the next post, I’ll look at Bond’s insistence on its being an optimistic play.

Theatre Censorship – 13: Edward Bond’s Saved (Part One)

The most notorious play of the 1960s to depict violence is Bond’s Saved with its baby-stoning scene. It’s widely believed that this particular work played a decisive role in the battle against stage censorship, because of its thematic power and skilful writing and construction; yet the censor’s demands, had they been met, would have reduced the play to an emasculated wreck – a mere series of unconnected scenes without any “bite”.

On one hand, the play disgusted the theatrical reactionaries; Irving Wardle, in his review for the Times, described it as “a work which will supply valuable ammunition to those who attack modern drama as half-baked, gratuitously violent and squalid”, and as such disliked it not only for its own sake but because he felt it brought drama and the Royal Court into disrepute. On the other hand, the play interested the radicals; John Elsom, writing in his book Post War British Theatre Criticism, appreciated “the realism of Bond’s writing, his superb evocation of a flat, arid, hopeless and deprived social life in South London [which] compelled everybody who saw the play to recognise that atrocities were not confined to fascist camps… but took place in supposedly civilised countries as well”. Indeed, it is the antithesis between expected behaviour and actual behaviour which creates much of the play’s power. One does not expect a crying baby to be perpetually ignored. One does not expect a jilted lover to remain in the same household with both his ex-lover and her new boyfriend. One does not expect a “good” person to watch the gradual killing of a baby without trying to prevent its death.

The published text of the play has two appendices. The first was written in 1966 to accompany the original publication; the second, On Violence, appeared in 1977, twelve years after the first production of the play, in the collection of plays, Bond: Plays One. The second contains Bond’s philosophy of violence and acts as a complement to the play, which itself is an attempt to explain the nature of violence through the power of drama. Bond’s overriding belief on the subject is that man is not necessarily a violent animal, but that he merely has a capacity to be violent. He uses the analogy of a dog: “A dog has a capacity to swim the first time it goes into water, but it has no need to swim because it has no need to go into water. Human beings are violent animals only in the way that dogs are swimming animals”. He goes on to explain how any species which had an innate need for violence must eventually die out; we can contrast this with the author’s frequently quoted assurance that Saved is “almost irresponsibly optimistic”. To what extent the play supports the philosophy has been the subject of much debate.

The play contains a great deal of violence, and, as it proceeds, the individual episodes of violent acts build up in an escalation, not necessarily of horror, more of malice. The beginning lulls us into a false sense of security with a very funny opening scene between Len and Pam, both in their young twenties, not quite having one-night-stand sex but leading up to it. In Scene two, Len and Pam are now an item, and he’s obviously shacked up at her place and is paying rent, which is why her parents don’t object. Len has taken Pam out onto the boating pool in the park; a very traditional, relaxing, maybe romantic, way in which to pass an afternoon. She starts to show signs of caring for him, by offering to knit him a jumper – providing he pays for the wool. But, clearly, she wants to keep the relationship on a purely physical level, whereas Len’s desires are almost entirely the opposite; his questions show that he wants to get to know her mind probably more than her body. When cocky young Fred appears, delivering lines packed with sexual innuendo, Pam recognises a fellow being only interested in sex, and so her relationship with Len, as far as she is concerned, is almost instantly over.

The first suggestion of violence, which comes in a scene crammed with sexual banter and laddish teasing, concerns a horrific incident but which we don’t see on stage, it’s only reported. Pete, one of the local gang of youths, – in fact at the age of twenty-five hardly a youth – has returned from the inquest of the death of a young boy whom he deliberately ran over in his bus. Pete, of course, said it was a tragic accident and the trusting coroner exonerated him from any guilt. It’s another example of Bond shocking us with an unrecognisable moral code. Pete obviously does not believe that life is sacred. It was not a long-planned murder; he neither knew the boy nor bore any grudge against him. He simply felt a sudden blood-lust, and the boy was in the wrong place at the wrong time. Towards the end of the play the elderly Harry explains what he believes is the value, or benefit, of killing someone: “Gives yer a sense of perspective”. In a way, murder has been an experience which has helped both Pete and Harry to come to terms with themselves. This seems to deny Bond’s belief that humans do not need to be violent, because otherwise surely Pete would have done his best to avoid hitting the boy.

Scene four is a memorable piece of theatre; an irritated and divided family are seen discussing and indeed arguing about trivia whilst outside a baby cries incessantly and nobody attends to it. Anyone who automatically thinks that the needs of a child comes first will look on this as an act of cruelty towards the unfortunate little mite. Of course, we know nothing about the baby – we do not see it, we do not know its name, we do not know if it’s a boy or a girl; as far as its family is concerned, it might as well not exist. The scene gives us great insights into the characteristics of the other people in the play. Pam is lazy, uncaring and self-centred; to her, the baby is just the unwanted product of some casual sex, and therefore just a hazard to occasionally expect with her lifestyle. Harry, the baby’s grandfather, appears to have no involvement with the rest of the family and only comments: “I ain’ getting’ involved. Bound t’be wrong”. Mary, who has the experience of being a mother, knows that it is wrong to ignore the baby and, indeed, feels a little guilty about the whole affair. It is she who finally raises the question of the baby’s crying. Nevertheless, she is intransigent and will not attend to the child on a matter of misguided principle. As for Len, he also takes a back seat. Whether or not he is the father, (we don’t know at the time) he clearly feels some responsibility for it. Although he says “it’ll cry itself to sleep” you sense that he realises that the child is not being looked after properly.

In scene five we are finally introduced to the baby, which drives his plight home to the audience a little more. We are also given first-hand evidence of his mother’s relationship with it: she will not touch it, and at one time it is just lying on the bed in danger of falling off, before Len rescues it.

Scene six ends this “trilogy” of scenes, and, indeed, the baby’s life. Using this structure Bond shows how varying degrees of cruelty, both indirect and direct, lead up to its death. However, before the baby-stoning section of the scene, there is an unusual conversation between Fred and Len. Neither Fred nor the audience can really understand why Len should be friends with the man who has stolen his lover from him. One can only presume, at this stage, that Len is either exceptionally selfless or exceptionally stupid. Fred is fishing, and Len is watching and learning Len’s methods. It is a scene which combines peace and violence; fishing is always regarded as a peaceful, relaxing pastime, but in one regard it is a form of hunting at its most ruthless – by suspending the bait in the water, the fisherman plays on the fish’s hunger to lure it and potentially kill it.

In his 1977 appendix, Bond discusses how hunting is not violent because violence involves hatred and “searching for food can’t be connected with hating it. Hunting is violence only when the prey becomes a threat”. Of course, Fred is not being threatened by the fish; but neither is he catching the fish to eat them. What was originally a food-seeking act has developed into a hobby or sport. The fisherman, admittedly, does not feel hatred for his fish; he is doing little more than exercising his ability to outsmart them; demonstrating his “capacity for violence”, perhaps. Bond also goes into considerable detail in explaining how to affix the bait on to the hook: it is a gory, violent procedure, and Len proves himself to be an inept angler because he is neither violent nor practical. Added to any insights which this short scene raises of its own accord, it is, of course, also a forerunner to the more explicit violence to follow.

Bond’s device of introducing facts and ideas very gradually in his writing works to great effect in the baby-stoning scene. As soon as the baby is left on stage without either Pam or Len to attend to it, you sense that something terrible is going to happen, but you’re left waiting for a while for this fear to be realised. The main reason for the delay is simply because the gang don’t set out with the purpose of harming the child; it’s a slow, organic development. When the baby is first left in their presence, it is a stranger to them, and the presence of a stranger in any closed community always alters the behaviour of that community. They take time to adapt to the new situation, and most of them react in a rather conventional way; and although each one’s attitude may be designed to impress the others, they do not totally hide the concern they feel. Colin wants to know “Oo left it ‘ere?” as if to reprehend the responsible party; Barry says “we don’t wan’ the little nipper t’ear that!” when Fred swears, because you don’t swear in front of children; Mike tells Pete “don’t stick your ugly mug in its face!” because it is customary not to wake sleeping babies; when Barry starts pushing the pram around, Pete shows signs of (perhaps excited) nervousness: “’e’ll ‘ave the little perisher out!”; even when things are getting out of control, when Pete is pulling the baby’s hair, Colin still observes that the “little bleeder’s ‘alf dead a fright”. So the evidence of the play does not suggest that the youths instinctively wish to harm the child; their chief reaction to it is one of curiosity, as it is outside their sphere of experience. It’s a bit like poking a lame bird with a stick to see if it reacts. Of course, the gradual involvement of the gang with the baby creates an equally gradual build-up of tension.

When they begin to realise that, like Fred’s fish, the child cannot fight back, each individual assault becomes more and more daring. They also become progressively more self-conscious about what they are doing, because they know it’s wrong. At first, they act naturally and pay no attention to anyone else, as they behave no more violently than to express a little verbal bravado: “And down will come baby and cradle and tree an’ bash its little brains out an’ Dad’ll scoop ‘em up and use ‘em for bait”. To the audience this is tasteless and shocking, but to the lads it is no more than a joke. After a little while they become more aware of Fred’s presence, who, though one of the gang, is also known to be the child’s father. Later still, they are checking that there are no other witnesses, and working themselves up into the mood in which to give vent to their violent capacity: “Reckon it’s all right?” “No one around” …”Yer can do what yer like”, “Might as well enjoy ourselves”, “Yer don’t get a chance like this every day”. Finally, when the bell rings to warn that the park is closing, all except Barry take the opportunity instantly to escape from the situation, and Pete, in particular, becomes infuriated with Barry’s insistence on violence: Barry seems to hate the child whereas the others have no special emotions about it at all – to them it is just a coconut at a coconut-shy. They are like a group of football supporters who only become violent in a crowd. They simply attack the child because that is what society expects of them – it confirms their identity.

Bond’s own attitude to the death of the child is straightforward. From his 1966 appendix to the play: “Clearly the stoning to death of a baby in a London park is a typical English understatement. Compared to the “strategic” bombing of German towns it is a negligible atrocity, compared to the cultural and emotional deprivation of most of our children its consequences are insignificant”. Tell that to the child, Mr Bond! Critic John Russell Taylor makes the valid point that Bond’s comment “ignores the crucial question of the dramatic perspective in which the particular event is placed; it is not compared with the play to the Dresden raid or anything of the sort, but to a recognisable pattern of everyday life”. Taylor goes on to conclude that the assault is arbitrary and unmotivated, but he sees this as a fault whereas Bond would consider it part of the nature of violence. As far as the assault being unmotivated, one could interpret the whole scene as simply being a rejection of life; the baby represents life in its purest form, and the gang are people for whom life has gone sour. In his preface to his play Lear (1971), Bond asserts that of all the human race children are subject to the most violence because the world is not geared to meet their “biological expectations”; “the weight of aggression in our society is so heavy that the unthinkable happens: we batter [the child] … the dramatic metaphor I used to describe it was the stoning of a baby in its pram. This is not done by thugs but by people who like plays condemning thugs”.

For a last reaction to the baby-stoning scene let’s consider the comments made by W. A. Darlington in his Daily Telegraph review dated 4th November 1965: “The effect of this scene on me is precisely the opposite of what the author intended me to feel. I had no sense of horror, no dramatic illusion. I knew there was no baby in the pram, just as I could see there were no stones in the actors’ hands. My only emotion was cold disgust at being asked to sit through such a scene.” Obviously, the play failed for Darlington, although not necessarily in the way that he assumed. Bond’s primary objective in this scene was not particularly to communicate a sense of horror, but to show the easy escalation with which violence can occur, and for this to work on stage the audience must experience some form of genuine alarm. Darlington found the whole episode so “beneath art” that he just could not be bothered to play along with it.

My next post looks at the rest of the play and its sexual content.

Theatre Censorship – 12: Homosexuality, Swearing and an Introduction to Violence

Another major “indecent” theme was homosexuality, which had been a prevalent topic in plays since about 1950. At first, references to it were very tentative; indeed, two of the three plays presented under the auspices of the New Watergate Theatre Club were concerned with young men who appeared to be homosexual but were not, and with the women who loved them, and stood by them during their ordeals. Terence Rattigan’s original intention in Separate Tables (1954) was that the respectable Major Pollock should have accosted men in public lavatories, but the management insisted that this should be changed, and Major Pollock became a heterosexual menace instead.

After the restrictions on plays about homosexuality were lifted in 1958 (please see Chapter 6 if you’d forgotten about this!), there was little positive or original use made of this liberty. Homosexual characters were mainly used for stereotypical camp fun, such as the fussy antiques dealer Harold Gorringe in Peter Shaffer’s Black Comedy (1965). Christopher Hampton included homosexual characters in both When did you Last see my Mother? (1966) and Total Eclipse (1968), where he dramatised the relationship between Rimbaud and Verlaine.

The most notable play in the 1960s involving homosexuality was John Osborne’s A Patriot for Me (1965), based on the true story of Alfred Redl, who worked for the Austro-Hungarian intelligence service in the 1890s and was blackmailed for being gay. In the months immediately preceding the 1968 Theatres Act, this play became a popular weapon in the war against censorship. John Mortimer, for example, on behalf of the League of Dramatists, submitted the following memorandum to the Joint Committee on 22nd November 1966: “We are bewildered by the total banning of “A Patriot for Me” … which dealt with homosexuality in an adult and dramatic way; we can see no valid reason for this action.” The League of Dramatists were not entirely telling the truth, as the Lord Chamberlain’s Office did not ban the play; they did, however, demand swingeing cuts, such as “Act 3, Scene 1: The two men must not be in bed together”, “Act 3 Scene 2: the line “You were born with a silver sabre up your whatnot” was disallowed, as well as the total omission of Act 1 Scene 10, Act 2 Scene 1 (the celebrated drag ball), and Act 3 Scene 5, where Redl has an argument in bed with a naked Second Lieutentant. The sexual explicitness in these scenes would not have been acceptable even in a heterosexual context. It was no surprise that the censor considered them unsuitable; the 1958 statement had plainly read: “Embraces or practical demonstrations of love between homosexuals will not be allowed”. Osborne chose not to make those cuts and the production of the play went ahead as a club performance at the Royal Court; as a result, the censor troubled it no more, but the Royal Court made a large financial loss. The rest of Mortimer’s comment is totally justified: it is a mature, responsible and yet very exciting play, which involves the audience totally in Redl’s plight and creates an extraordinary atmosphere of sympathy.

Lesbianism appears to have reached the stage much later than male homosexuality with the major exception of Lillian Hellman’s The Children’s Hour, first performed in the US in 1934 and first officially performed in Britain in 1950, a painful study of the damaging repercussions of rumour in a girls’ school. The play is infused with bitterness and evil: the character of Mary Tilford, who starts spreading the malicious gossip, may be considered a fore-runner to Abigail Williams in Arthur Miller’s The Crucible (1953). Hellman’s play is most skilfully written. The scandal is, by necessity, all expressed in insinuation and innuendo, but this feels appropriate because the characters are themselves so horrified by the notion of lesbianism that they could not bring themselves to utter the word anyway.

Frank Marcus’ The Killing of Sister George (1965) only just avoided being banned outright; the two reasons why this was avoided were that it was a respectable company – the Bristol Old Vic – who wanted to stage it, and because the word “lesbian” did not appear in the text. Had the word appeared, the play would surely have been rejected. I know this for a fact, as Mr Marcus told me himself during a phone conversation we had at the time. As it was, it became Marcus’ greatest success. Irving Wardle, writing in the Times newspaper on June 18th 1965, rhetorically questioned the suitability of the subject matter: “How would audiences a few years ago have responded to a lesbian marriage handled in earnest? The cheers of last night’s audience left no doubt of their response”. Times change.

The other major lesbian affair in 1960s drama, which certainly caused offence to the Lord Chamberlain’s office, as has been mentioned, was between Queen Victoria and Florence Nightingale in Bond’s Early Morning. The play is full of very black humour, but primarily Victoria’s attentions to her son’s fiancée and her beseeching “Call me Victor”, were considered too offensive, especially coming from a member of the Royal Family. Despite the censor’s ban, every theatre critic in London was invited to a hastily called matinee, performed in total secrecy, on the afternoon before the intended first night. Had the show gone on, in the evening, it was the intention of the police to arrest every member of the audience, as could be guessed from the number of police vans parked along King’s Road.

One form of indecent material, which is perhaps today quite easy to overlook, is the use of swearing. The censor seemed to have evaluated all the different swear words as to their potential offensiveness, and this gave rise to the possibility of bargaining. The censor might object to the use of one of two “bad” words and, to appease the offended playwright, would permit a few extra “bloodies” in their place. The playwright Stephen Jeffreys told me in a letter dated 17th March 1982 (and from which I quote here) that he was told by the producer of one of his radio plays that “the level of language varied from channel to channel and from night to night. You could say “bugger” on Radio 4 except on Saturdays and you could only say “fuck” on Radio 3, and even then you couldn’t use it more than three or four times in one play”.

According to Malcolm Hay & Philip Roberts’ book Bond – a study of his plays, George Devine, director of the English Stage Company at the Royal Court, advised William Gaskill, the director of Edward Bond’s Saved (1965) to exclude “all the words we know will not be passed… before submission.” Indeed, in a letter Lindsay Anderson wrote me dated 1st February 1982, he remembered how Keith Waterhouse and Willis Hall’s Billy Liar (1960) was very nearly banned outright simply because the father continually said “bloody”: “Since it was a character point, and indeed its very repetition illustrated the irredeemable coarseness of the character, no compromise was possible. In the end the censor gave in”.

Stage violence was also considered an act of indecency. In Peter Weiss’ The Persecution and Assassination of Marat as performed by the inmates of the asylum of Charenton under the direction of the Marquis de Sade (Marat/Sade) (1964) which appeared in the RSC’s Theatre of Cruelty season, there is a chilling violence mixed with sadism and insanity, at once both riveting and distasteful. Its challenge to the audience lies in assessing whether its disconcerting effect stems from the violence and suspense of the play or its universal lunacy. In Peter Shaffer’s Equus, insanity is again linked with violence, although this play is not as disconcerting, because of the deliberate lack of realism in the presentation; with actors playing horses, and, in the original 1970s production, the actors not involved in any one particular scene sat at the side of the stage, observing the proceedings in a disinterested manner, as actors rather than as characters. However, in the Marat/Sade, the characters are a group of lunatic actors who are sometimes impossible to control. The play ends in total anarchy with Coulmier, the Napoleonic director of the Clinic of Charenton, attempting to restore order, by striking his patients, much to the delight of the Marquis de Sade, who glows with pleasure at the mischief. Equus, on the other hand, by contrast, ends in quiet reflection.

In my next four posts I’m going to concentrate at some length on Edward Bond’s Saved. Put the four together and you’ve got a full essay on everything that I think and feel about the play, together with its relevance to the issue of censorship! The first post will contain an introduction, and then an analysis of the first few scenes. If you’ve got a copy of the script, please feel free to refresh your memory of it!

Theatre Censorship – 11: A Day in the Death of Joe Egg, by Peter Nichols

When I undertook my original research back in the early 1980s, I wrote to several playwrights asking about their experiences with and attitude to theatre censorship. One of the most helpful was Peter Nichols. The quotes and his thoughts that I talk about in this chapter all come from a letter he wrote to me on 4th February 1982. Oh, and beware – drama criticism alert! I do go into a bit of detail about the nature of this play, which won’t mean much to you if you’re not familiar with it – sorry about that.

On the subject of “indecent” material, he has a revealing tale to tell which sums up the suspicious attitude held by the Lord Chamberlain’s office against playwrights in the 1960s. It concerned his meeting with the censor to discuss the licensing of A Day in the Death of Joe Egg (1967): “…there was one wonderful moment when in describing the natural childbirth process used by the mother in the play, the husband does some shallow breathing like a dog and the wife says “Down, Rover”. Not a good joke. Certainly not as funny as the censor’s reaction which was to ask if she was referring to a tumescent penis. When I expressed outrage and denied that intention, he was dreadfully apologetic, offered me another Nelson cigarette and said it was a job that gave you a dirty mind”.

In this particular play, the Lord Chamberlain’s office was worried that the portrayal of a child with cerebral palsy might cause parents of disabled children to be upset. As the parent of one himself, Nichols maintained that this would not be their reaction. Other parents in the same situation would recognise the problems that Bri and Sheila (the parents) faced, and would in fact feel the comfort and reassurance of knowing that others shared the same experience.

In his letter to the Comptroller (the Lord Chamberlain’s assistant, in this case Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Eric Penn), director Michael Blakemore wrote “much hinges on the way the child is to be presented on the stage, and… the writer and myself are agreed that the last thing we want is to unduly alarm the audience, who are meant to see the child as do its parents, with the daily familiarity of ten years’ experience. A perfectly normal child actress will be asked to play being permanently asleep. The fits to which the script refers are small things, immediately perceptible of course to the parents, but of little significance to an outsider. I believe the presentation of the child on stage will be far less terrible to see than it is to read about on the page.”

The censor was convinced by this argument (originally the Comptroller had suggested the child should be represented by a dummy) but nevertheless demanded a number of niggling cuts which, as Peter Nichols himself said, when listed together give “an impression of a sex-crazed script, not the embittered and ironic piece it now seems to be”. However, despite Nichols’ protestations, it’s true that sex features quite a bit in this play. Bri thinks about sex nearly all the time. When his mind wanders, he makes Freudian lapses of concentration, such as when he makes the error of telling his class at school (he is a teacher) to put “hands on breasts” instead of on heads. He is pleased to tell us how his confidence was boosted when Sheila first praised his lovemaking: “I walked around for days feeling like a phallic symbol… I thought… she’ll stick with me because I’ve got magic super-zoom with added cold-start”. Nichols’ aim is to show that Bri is an ordinary kind of guy with an ordinary guy’s sexual fixations. For example, he used to share jokes about how his son (he doesn’t have one) would be born and grow up: “All this trouble getting out and he’ll spend the rest of his life trying to get back in”.

Of course, there’s nothing wrong with this kind of conversation at all. In addition, Nichols shows how a lack of sexual appetite can be a bad thing. The prudish Mrs. Parry, for example, whom Sheila hates, is described as a “walking sheath”. Sheila, herself, is not as sexually responsive as she once was, because she equates her failure to produce a healthy child with what she considers to have been her promiscuous past; a past which has given her a guilt complex and Bri an inferiority complex. Now that Sheila follows other pursuits, Bri feels left out and jokes, rather bitterly, about “breaking-up”. He also decides to suspect Sheila of having an affair with their friend Freddie, which, although it probably started as just a joke – as a charade or a defence mechanism – does no good for either his marriage or his confidence. At the end of the play Sheila’s promise of a sex romp (as they used to call it in the 60s) comes too late to save their marriage, as Bri is determined to wriggle out of it. Bri now only sees the negative side of sex: that which produces a disabled child rather than as part of a loving relationship.

It’s no surprise that Bri and Sheila discuss their friend Jenny’s visit to the Family Planning Clinic with general approval. Bri also realises how Sheila’s capacity for love is spread equally through their long list of child substitutes, called the menagerie, and that basically he is no more important to her than any other of her possessions. You can see the bitterness and irony to which Peter Nichols referred in that letter to me; Bri’s boredom and frustration, juxtaposed with Sheila’s apparent activity and full life. The “Joe Egg” of the title refers to both daughter and father; according to Bri’s grandma’s saying, “Joe Egg” was always “stuck with nothing to do”. Whilst it’s a nickname for the daughter’s real name, Josephine, being stuck with nothing to do describes the frustrated Bri down to a T.

One of the main questions posed by the author in the play must have also reflected the worries of the Lord Chamberlain’s officers. Where is the boundary of good taste? Does talk of a “spastic” (their words, not a detrimental term at the time) tap-dancing championship or a wild-west hero called the Thalidomide Kid go beyond the bounds of what is acceptable? The answer appears to be no, because although at times Bri behaves contemptibly towards his wife – especially at the point late in Act Two when first having admitted to killing Joe, he rushes her around the house with Sheila, terrified, trailing them – we never fall out of sympathy with him.

In fact, the characters in the play who attack Bri for his jokey, irreverent attitudes are much more offensive than him. Their friend Pam calls Joe a “weirdie” and shuns her because she is, what Pam calls, “N.P.A.” by which she means non-physically-attractive; Freddie’s inept doubting of Bri’s suitability to be a father and Sheila’s mother Grace’s determination not to let Jesus ruin Christmas are all more questionable than Bri at his worst. One wonders how much offence would have been caused had the child been played by a dummy as originally suggested by the Comptroller; surely that would have felt more insulting than any of Bri’s jokes.

The censor’s cuts reflected the difficulty the Lord Chamberlain’s office had in reading this play; they had no real precedent for this kind of drama and were therefore highly suspicious of Nichols’ written word. This is the list of alterations which he said gave the impression of a sex-crazed script; with Nichols’ original text in italics and the alterations he subsequently made after discussions with the censor in bold:

“The Lord Chamberlain disallows the following parts of the stage-play:

Act I 4: “…sod!” “Vicious sod!”  “Vicious pig!”

5: “your legs thrashing about…my tongue halfway down your throat…train screaming into tunnel”  “Clothes strewn all over the place…waves breaking on rocky shore…fireworks in the sky…champagne bottles going pop…”

6: “has he flashed it lately?” “Has he tried it lately?”

9: “…while she got her coil fitted. Wondering if we could have our Guinea-pig fitted with a coil. Or Guinea-sow should it be?” “…while she went to the Family Planning Clinic. Wondering if we could send our guinea-pig to the Family Planning Clinic.”

16: “…bullshit”. “bull.”

19/20: “They made you lie across a pillow.”  “I think they got it out of Hemingway.…I thought well, perhaps I didn’t ring the bell very often but at least I rang it loud”. Both these lines were excluded and not replaced.

27: “From the first show on the sheets to the last heave of the forceps” “From the first pang to the last groan”.

28: “…piss” “…kill”.

29: “I see Him as a sort of manic depressive rugby-footballer. He looked down and thought to Himself,“I’ll fix that bastard” I see Him as a sort of manic depressive rugby-footballer, and I’m the ball.”

34: “Brian knelt in front of me and tried to express it orally”  “You should have seen that – like the Khamasutra” Both lines were excluded and not  replaced.

36: “Universal Shafting” (twice) “Universal Shafting” was eventually permitted to remain, provided that “Story of your life” was removed.

Act II 4: “Piss…” Excluded.

6: “…farting and so forth” “…breaking wind”

17: “…shafted her” “gone to bed with her”

20: From “so I undressed her…” to and inclusive of “…Of course you have” This was a description of Bri taking care of Joe during one of her fits. There were a few subtle changes to make the conversation sound slightly more natural. Presumably the censor was worried about the effect of this account on the audience, but the content was eventually permitted.

56: “… and have him”. “climb in with him”.

The actress must not indulge in erotic caresses.

One can see that by having their graphic nature removed, some of these images can become coy or embarrassingly euphemistic. Some of the comments become vague and essentially meaningless. “Has he tried it lately?” could refer to any number of school misdemeanours whereas “has he flashed it lately?” can mean only one thing. In the change involving the metaphor of God as a manic depressive rugby-footballer, Bri’s anger (“I’ll fix that bastard”) is removed and a very weak joke is left in its place. The conversation between Freddie and Pam at the beginning of Act Two undergoes a total change. In the original version, Freddie was annoyed with himself at falling out of the car and annoyed with Pam for laughing at it: his resentful comment to her “go on, piss yourself” was removed, so that in the censored version, he finds it funny too. In the rest of the play any textual changes tend to weaken the passion of the characters or trivialise their tragedy, neither of which are beneficial to the play as a whole; I love that idea that their guinea-pig should be fitted with a coil, which was replaced with a much blander comment. It was most fortunate for both play and playwright that censorship was withdrawn within a year of the play’s opening, although after a short run at the Comedy Theatre, the play enjoyed a successful transfer to Broadway.

As an aside, I think it’s interesting that what is offensive changes over the years. I can’t imagine anyone going to see a play today and being offended by any of Nichols’ original lines as shown above, but most people would be alarmed to hear characters referred to as “blackies” and “fuzzy-wuzzies”, and where people with cerebral palsy are called spastics. Times change.

In my next post, I’ll be considering homosexuality and swearing as possible examples of indecency.

Theatre Censorship – 10: Indecency, Naked Girls, Sexual Shenanigans and La Ronde

The final category named by the 1909 Committee – and also the broadest – is “indecency”. This, frankly useless, word can mean anything to anyone. Primarily in this context it is applied to the use of nudity. In 1902, Maeterlinck’s Monna Vanna was banned because of its alleged “indecency”; in the scene which gave most offence, Monna Vanna enters the tent of the commander of the invading army when she is known to be “naked beneath her cloak” – as per the Stage Direction. Redford’s offence at this gave rise to much heated discussion: John Palmer in his 1912 book The Censor and the Theatres maintained that “naked beneath her cloak” was not intended to be synonymous with “scarcely dressed”, but was meant to emphasise the horror of the fate that Monna Vanna would meet within the commander’s tent, that of acceding unwillingly to sexual intercourse in return for the guarantee that the town’s inhabitants would be saved. Fortunately for Monna Vanna, the commander is a gentleman and does not take advantage of her.

Maeterlinck himself defended his play, which won great success in Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia, without arousing a thought of obscenity. Frank Palmer and Frank Fowell argued very angrily against its banning because of this notorious stage direction. After all, they reasoned, in their 1913 book Censorship in England, we are all naked beneath our clothes: “Are Englishmen incapable of passing, say, a bathing machine on the beach, or a hotel bathroom, without deriving harm from the thought that it perhaps contains a naked female?”

In 1912, shortly after Brookfield succeeded Redford as Examiner of Plays, he clamped down on an oriental revue, Kismet, by Edward Knoblock, which had been running at the Garrick Theatre for 255 performances, and which was later to inspire the 1953 musical of the same name. It included a scene called the “Sapphire Bath”, where an actress took off her gown and, seemingly naked, plunged into a moonlit pool. She was, in fact, wearing fleshings, but Brookfield nevertheless decided that the suggestion of her nudity was too realistic and insisted on her wearing more clothes. It is recorded that King George V and Queen Mary had enjoyed the show enormously.

During the First World War, entertainment in theatres wasn’t particularly avant-garde, challenging, or, to use that word, indecent. However, during the Second World War, the Windmill Theatre featured naked or semi-naked actresses on stage although they had to remain perfectly still in tableaux of unattainable beauty. Owing to the controversial nature of this subject, the Lord Chamberlain’s Office chose to issue a statement on the use of nudity on stage, which the 1966 Committee quoted in its report:

“i) Actresses in movement must not wear less than briefs and an opaque
controlling brassiere.

ii) Actresses may pose completely nude provided:
The pose is motionless and expressionless.
The pose is artistic and something rather more than a mere display of nakedness.
The lighting must be subdued.

iii) Strip-tease as such is not allowed in a stage play. The unresisted growth in recent years of so-called “Private Strip-Tease Clubs” has caused some complaint from public theatres where the Lord Chamberlain’s rules are enforced.

iv) To date requests for males to pose in the nude have not been received.”

In August 1960 the Lord Chamberlain’s officers attended performances of Les Ballets Africains in order to decided whether it was a play in mime, in which case the female dancers’ bare breasts were not permissible, or whether it was actually ballet, in which case the production did not come under the Lord Chamberlain’s jurisdiction. Much to their own relief, the officers decided that it was a ballet. The importance of this kind of distinction is an indication of the extraordinary anomalies which were involved in stage censorship.

As well as nudity, any frank approach to sexuality could come under the heading of “indecency”. The case of the censorship of Arthur Schnitzler’s La Ronde (1896) is one of the most notorious in theatre history. The play consists of a series of ten dialogues, each one except the last containing a seduction leading to sexual intercourse – represented in the text by a row of dashes or asterisks – followed by the characters’ post-coital reflections. It was first performed in 1903 in Britain and immediately banned; it was not performed again until 1920, when it caused riots in Berlin and Vienna. Schnitzler withdrew it completely, refusing permission for any more performances, chiefly in order to protect his own suffering reputation.

There were four film versions made of the play, although largely ignoring Schnitzler’s original script, and a radio version by Frank Marcus was transmitted by the BBC. But, as a result of Schnitzler’s withdrawal of the play, no more performances were permitted until 1982, when the copyright expired fifty years after his death. Suddenly Britain was saturated with productions of the play by different companies. There are many ways in which this play might offend; it regards sexual intercourse as a thoughtless pursuit, usually denying it any association with love, and involving infidelity, cheating and subjugation; at the same time, it suggests that sex is the raison d’etre of life: in one sense true, but hardly an acceptable concept to the respectable people of the 1890s. In emphasising both its frivolousness and its seriousness, the play shows great insight into the reactions that sex can provoke.

Moreover, the play examines the way in which society demands that a superior constantly asserts himself over an inferior, and shows that it is the exertion of this pressure that gives rise to “love’s round”. The whore is tricked by the soldier; he selfishly seduces the grateful parlour maid; the young gentleman exercises his domestic superiority over the parlour maid; he patronises the young wife into yielding to him; the husband sleeps with his wife; the husband has an affair with the little miss, although it is she who dominates and manipulates him; the poet charms the little miss; the actress pampers the poet; the Count woos the actress; and finally the Count wakes up with the whore of the first scene. “La Ronde” has come full circle, but progress has been made; in the last scene the Count and the whore meet on equal terms: he does not treat her contemptuously like the soldier did, but insists on paying her.

The irony of this is, of course, that in the ranks of society, the Count and the whore are at opposite ends of the scale, yet this scene and that between the husband and wife are the only scenes containing anything resembling respect. This respect makes us admire the Count; our regard for him is also increased as he is the only character to have the good taste to have sex in private, before the final scene began. By the end of the play, this “uniqueness” is refreshing. The play is deeply satisfying in its structure; it appears to be a perfect circle, but the subtleties which show how relationships change between different people make it constantly surprising as well as very funny. There are no conceivable circumstances in which it would have been possible to alter this play to make it fit for public morals in Schnitzler’s lifetime.

In my next post, I’m going to concentrate in some detail on Peter Nichols’ ground-breaking play, A Day in the Death of Joe Egg.

Theatre Censorship – 9: The 1909 Guidelines (Part Two)

Let’s look again at those 1909 guidelines, and see how they might have been applied to plays after censorship was withdrawn, as well as during the censorship years. Just to refresh your memory, here they are again.

The Lord Chamberlain should license a play unless he deemed it:

(a) to be indecent;
(b) to contain offensive personalities;
(c) to represent on the stage in an invidious manner a living person or a person recently dead;
(d) to do violence to the sentiment of religious reverence;
(e) to be calculated to conduce to crime or vice;
(f) to be calculated to impair friendly relationships with a foreign power; or
(g) to be calculated to cause a breach of the peace.

In this attempt to clarify the standards, some of the headings were phrased very loosely. For example, the definition of “offensive personalities” depends entirely on what any one person finds offensive according to his or her own standards and morals. If a dramatist could never include an offensive personality in his plays, presumably he could never effectively portray a battle between good and evil. Sweeney Todd, the demon barber of Fleet Street, for instance, could be considered offensive; so could half the characters of Dickens, such as Magwitch, Fagin, Uriah Heep, and so on. If you’ve lived a sheltered life and you were sufficiently narrow-minded, you might be offended by the characterisation of murderers (in which case detective tales would have been badly hit), thieves, prostitutes, tramps, blasphemers, sadists and so on. Moreover, and bear with me on this one, if you’re a bigot, you’ll likely be offended by anyone who isn’t like you; Jews, gays, people of colour; really the list could be endless. Physical squeamishness or ideological difference might make one averse to lepers or communists. Alternatively, it’s perfectly possible that, as a decent balanced individual, you might not be offended by any of these. And what about the offence caused by an offensive portrayal of a Jew or a black person to other Jews or black people. The more you think about it, the messier it gets.

You can even cause offence at the other end of the spectrum. Phillip Hayes Dean’s play Paul Robeson created a lot of offence for watering down the firebrand nature of the man. As a result, roughly ten years after the ending of stage censorship, the first nights of the play in both New York (1977) and London (1978) were marred by pickets outside the theatres, who referred, in London, to the “Statement of Conscience” published in Variety on January 11th 1978 and signed by about fifty American artists, headed by Paul Robeson Jr, which stated that “we…regretfully feel compelled to take the extraordinary step of alerting all concerned citizens to what we believe to be, however unintended, a pernicious perversion of the essence of Paul Robeson.” It appeared to be pernicious even though much of the material for the play was taken from Robeson’s autobiography, Here I Stand. In short, they were offended because the characterisation of Robeson wasn’t offensive enough.

Clearly the successful application of this particular guideline, during the censorship years, would have depended on the breadth of vision of the censor at the time. Under a responsible, forward-thinking man like Lord Cobbold it could probably be followed sensibly, but under a retrogressive puritan like Smythe-Pigott, it would have been a licence to impose his own morality on the public. In his book Banned! Richard Findlater discusses a number of Mr Smythe-Pigott’s idiosyncratic misjudgments, such as his refusal to license the play God and the Man. His reason? “The play was good enough, but the title was objected to. Exhibited all through London, it would have given offence to many people.”

Referring back to the list, it is difficult to assess what kind of work could be judged to be conducive to ‘crime or vice’. The fact that a criminal act is presented on stage does not necessarily mean that it influences the audience to go out and do likewise. In most plays the opposite is true: the criminals are punished and the audience sympathises with the victim. There are very few plays involving wrongdoers where this does not take place, notably Joe Orton’s Loot, where the bank robbers win through scot-free, and the innocent old father is falsely convicted instead; and the anti-fascist farces of the Italian Dario Fo, where the police are Keystone Kops unwittingly encouraging anarchy, but too ridiculous to be a serious threat to our freedoms.

However, here’s a play that you could argue was indeed conducive to crime or vice. Fo’s Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay!, a play that hit London’s West End in 1981, concerned itself with the decision of Milanese housewives not to pay the full inflated price for supermarket groceries, but instead to pay what they believed the goods were worth. This influenced some London Transport users to protest against the rise in fares brought about by the Law Lords’ reversal of the Greater London Council’s “Fares Fair” scheme. They too named their system “Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay!” Protesters still insisted on paying the old cheap fare after the increase on March 21st 1982. But the protest did not last long; protests and principles are all very well, but being late for work is another matter. The Guardian newspaper reported on March 23rd that “David Wetzel, chairman of the Greater London Transport Committee, was left on the pavement yesterday by bus passengers who had taken a vote on whether they wanted to join his protest over the doubling of their fares or be late for work. Mr Wetzel had refused to pay the new fare to get to his office at County Hall, the GLC Headquarters at the time, and offered the old one as part of his Can’t Pay Won’t Pay campaign.” Mr Wetzel was ejected and the bus went on its merry way. You could interpret these protests as being a criminal act. So, it is possible, although rare, for a play to be conducive to crime if it actively advises its audience to perform illegal acts to further a cause.

The difference between this and plays which are calculated to cause a breach of the peace is not immediately obvious. There were indeed some scuffles on buses when the “Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay!” scheme started; so you could argue that this play indirectly caused a breach of the peace as well. However, it is equally likely that this latter category of plays are those that not only advocate violence, but actually perform or create it live on stage, thereby causing the breach. Perhaps the gallery-barracking at the first night of Orton’s What the Butler Saw constitutes a breach of the peace? Or the subject matter of Handke’s Offending the Audience? Even if this is so, one cannot say for certain that these plays were calculated to cause a breach of the peace. Under normal circumstances, only plays where the behaviour of the audience develops into a full-scale riot could come under this heading.

The most celebrated case of theatre rioting is that of the reaction to J M Synge’s Playboy of the Western World at the Abbey Theatre, Dublin, in 1907. The play is concerned with the rise in popularity of young Christy Mahon who brags that he has killed his father with a spade. His alleged act turns him into a local celebrity until it is shown that he merely attacked his father, but not succeeded in killing him. Her illusions shattered, his young fiancé Pegeen abandons him, but too late laments the folly of her rash action. The play was highly critical of Irish morals and cast severe aspersions on the integrity of the Irish people. The Freeman’s Journal referred to its ‘unmitigated protracted libel upon Irish peasant men and, worse still, upon Irish peasant girlhood.” Sinn Fein went further: they called it “a vile and inhuman story told in the foulest language we have ever listened to from a public platform”.

It seems that Christy’s Act Three image of temptation, “a drift of chosen females, standing in their shifts”, was the last straw for the many proud Irish patrons of the Abbey Theatre. On the first night, Willie Fay, who played Christy, spoke of “Mayo Girls” instead of ‘chosen females’ and this localised reference was too much for the audience. The riots went on for days, with varying degrees of violence; a revival in 1909 also caused rioting, although without as much rancour, as did a tour of New England in 1911. When the Abbey Theatre board applied for a licence from the Lord Chamberlain to perform the play in England, Mr Redford was, not surprisingly, most unwilling to grant one. In the end, though, he was swayed by the literary merit of the piece, and a licence was given to perform the play in London and in Oxford. Much to the performers’ surprise, the more politically- and emotionally-distanced English received it very warmly.

However, not all the categories are difficult to define. On the question of ‘violence to the sentiment of religious reverence’, Richard Findlater in Banned! observes that “theatre censorship was originally imposed as part of the attempt to stamp out resistance to the Reformation and to establish a settled loyalty to the Defender of the Faith, Henry VIII, as head of both Church and State”. We’ll take a look at some of the plays that were affected by censorship because of their religious content a little later on. Not only plays, of course, but musicals too; had the Lord Chamberlain’s office still been in operation in 1972 we would not have seen Jesus Christ Superstar which not only became the longest running British musical at the time, running for over eight years, but also actually received praise from many sectors of the Church for making the story of Christ more accessible. However, another musical, Jerry Springer the Opera, which featured a rather irreverent characterisation of Christ (but to be fair, also of the Devil) became the object of vitriol for many fundamental Christian groups, and was beset by protests throughout its 2006 tour.

In fact, the ban on the presentation of the deity was lifted in 1966 after a deluge of criticism both in the press and in Parliament. Amongst this criticism was a statement issued by the Religious Drama Society, whose stature in the theatre had understandably become considerably downtrodden. They pointed out that the strict repressive legislation against the portrayal of Christ on stage gave the impression “that the belief in the incarnate Son of God, true God and true Man, is either irrelevant or a fable in need of artificial protection.” In cosseting the subject, censorship hadn’t protected it, but had actually made it appear weaker or flimsier than intended.

In the 1950s, religious plays were shrouded in the verse drama of T. S. Eliot and Christopher Fry, like The Cocktail Party and The Family Reunion, a play so intellectually confusing that almost every passage seems invested with spiritual significance. The major difference which separates this type of play from another landmark play of the time, John Osborne’s Luther (1961), is one of emphasis: Eliot takes his Christian salvation as the supreme unalterable tenet which moulds his characters, whereas in Osborne’s play the main character is too base, too human, to be able to adapt himself to the stereotyped monkish way of life. This chief difference is reflected in the styles of writing – Eliot and Fry had gone back to verse drama whereas Osborne had been a harbinger of tough, ruthless prosaic language, as we will see soon.

In my next post, I’m going to look at the whole subject of that first category in the list of 1909 guidelines, indecency, starting with nudity!

Theatre Censorship – 8: The 1909 Guidelines (Part One)

As already mentioned, the Committee of 1909 set down guidelines for the Lord Chamberlain’s Office to follow, if it so wished. Their report advised that “the Lord Chamberlain should license any play submitted to him unless he considered that it might reasonably be held:

(a) to be indecent;
(b) to contain offensive personalities;
(c) to represent on the stage in an invidious manner a living person or a person recently dead;
(d) to do violence to the sentiment of religious reverence;
(e) to be calculated to conduce to crime or vice;
(f) to be calculated to impair friendly relationships with a foreign power; or
(g) to be calculated to cause a breach of the peace.”

At last! An unequivocal statement of detailed guidelines for everyone to follow. You would have thought that should have pleased the people most likely to be affected by stage censorship. Less confusion means fewer arguments, right? Wrong. You can’t please all the people all of the time.

“Now it is clear,” wrote Shaw in his preface to The Shewing-up of Blanco Posnet, “that there is no play yet written or possible to be written that might not be condemned under one or other of these heads. How any sane man, not being a professed enemy of public liberty, could put his hand to so monstrous a catalogue passes my understanding.” I think it’s fair to say that Shaw wasn’t impressed. And indeed, with some reason; the censor had demanded heavy cuts from Blanco Posnet on the grounds of blasphemy, cuts which in the end Shaw refused to make. Indeed, along with H G Wells and Joseph Conrad, Shaw maintained that the threat of the Lord Chamberlain’s censorship was the direct cause of the absence of notable drama during most of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

In an infrequently performed play, the eponymous Blanco Posnet is an American Wild West reprobate accused of the theft of a horse, but it’s his defamation of God that the censor could not tolerate: “He’s a sly one. He’s a mean one. He lies low for you. He plays cat and mouse with you. He lets you run loose until you think youre shut of Him; and then, when you least expect it, He’s got you […] that’s how He caught me and put my neck into the halter. To spite me because I had no use for Him – because I lived my own life in my own way, and would have no truck with His “Dont do this, “and “you mustnt do that,” and “Youll go to Hell if you do the other.” I gave Him the go-bye and did without Him all these years. But He caught me out at last. The laugh is with Him as far as hanging me goes.”

Shaw did not meekly accept the Lord Chamberlain’s prohibition on religious grounds. He drew attention to the regular performances of the Passion Play at Oberammergau; again, taken from the preface: “The offence given by a representation of the Crucifixion on the stage is not bounded by frontiers: further, it is an offence of which the voluntary spectators are guilty no less that the actors. If it is to be tolerated at all: if we are not to make war on the German Empire for permitting it, nor punish the English people who go to Bavaria to see it and thereby endow it with English money, we may as well tolerate it in London, where nobody need go to see it except those who are not offended by it”.

Typically, Shaw overstated his argument, but his logic is clear. “Blanco Posnet” was banned because of the roughness of its language and its approach to the subject. According to Professor of Comparative Literature at Columbia University, the late Maurice Valency, in his assessment of Shaw’s plays The Cart and the Trumpet, “Blanco’s sermon at the end of the play is certainly not couched in terms suitable to an Anglican clergyman, but his intentions are of the purest…That the God of the Old Testament occasionally makes a mistake is indicated by the story of the Fall, and the idea that God hastens to rectify his errors is quite amply attested in the story of the Flood. The seeming blasphemy of “Blanco Posnet” is in reality a consequence of its allegory”.

Two years before the 1909 guidelines were published, there was another cause celebre in the theatrical world which really shook up the whole nature of stage censorship. The Breaking Point was a play written by Edward Garnett which was refused a licence on the grounds that it was simply too tragic for its contemporary audience. Its subject matter, a young woman torn between her domineering father and the almost equally domineering “libertine” (the father’s words) who has made her pregnant although he is still legally married to his first wife, was a serious attempt to explore the mental cruelty unwittingly caused by otherwise respectable people on a vulnerable person. There is nothing obviously “wrong” with the play at all – perhaps it’s a little stuffy and dull in its second act, but it comes to a rather exciting climax; but Mr Redford simply would not allow it, refusing to tell Garnett the reason. It was one of the most obviously subjective decisions to refuse a licence. Garnett wasn’t going to stand by and let the censor get away with this. He published the play, with a preface condemning the whole institution of stage censorship; he also published an open letter to Mr Redford:

[The Breaking Point] “takes current morality as it finds it, and shows the tragic consequences of a breach of its dictates. Even from your own point of view, what is there in this that calls for censure? Do the rules of your office set it down as indecent to allude to the condition of pregnancy? Manifestly no. […] Nor can you allege that the Lord Chamberlain takes “official cognisance” only of legalised pregnancy. […] The only feature in the case set forth in “The Breaking Point” for which one could not find parallels in scores of plays licensed by you is the fact that the heroine is represented as being uncertain of her condition. Is this the stumbling-block and rock of offence? If this be indeed the ground of your action, I am sure I shall carry my readers with me in marvelling at its senseless and childish prudery. You are always ready to licence plays (with or without music) which glorify and idealise vulgar and flashy lewdness. You “decline to recommend for licence” a play which, without a word of indelicacy or crudity, alludes to the tortures of that period of agonised doubt, which is not the least among the penalties of illicit motherhood. Could there be a more cutting commentary on the futility of our office and the unintelligence with which you administer it? – I am, sir, Yours, etc, Edward Garnett.”

Whilst Garnett’s play was never granted a licence, right up until the time that censorship was fully abandoned (Garnett refused to allow it to be changed, so the application for a licence was withdrawn), his stance contributed to Parliament setting up the 1909 Committee. In fact, The Breaking Point was among the very first plays directly to lead to the ultimate withdrawal of stage censorship.

In my next post, I’ll look further at the 1909 guidelines and consider them in relation to some other notable plays of the 20th century.

Theatre Censorship 7: The Age of Aquarius

Greetings, gentle reader – I’m back with more theatre censorship blog posts after a short pause for breath! In my last post, I talked about theatre clubs and how they usually got round the law, so that eventually the whole system of censorship could more or less be avoided.

Stage censorship finally came to an end with the introduction of the Theatres Act of 1968, passed by the House of Lords and published on July 19th of that year. Its main clause was that “a play shall be deemed to be obscene if, taken as a whole, its effect was such as to deprave and corrupt persons who were likely, having regard to all relevant circumstances, to attend it.”

Clearly, the type of audience expected to attend any particular production would influence a decision on whether or not it might be obscene. The way in which a play is advertised to its prospective audience, or targets a section of the community, determines, to a certain extent, the type of audience one may expect to attend it. It therefore follows that the advertising and marketing also plays an important role in determining the potential obscenity of a production. For example, had posters or hand-outs advertising Howard Brenton’s The Romans in Britain (1980) explained that the play contained male nudity and a scene of homosexual rape, its audiences would have been less likely to have been depraved and corrupted by it because they would have been prepared for it. Remember Emile Littler’s statement that the audience should be told what they are going to see?

My conclusion from that is that if the advertising is honest, or providing the performers omit any drastic “obscene” ad-libbing, there should be very few plays that could be charged with obscenity. On a side note, on 27th October 1981 the “Indecent Displays Act” came into force, and was significant in two ways. Chiefly, it demanded that the advertising of “obscenity”, “indecency” or “pornography” for the purposes of art, theatre, cinema, or clubs, etc, must be kept reasonably well hidden. However, the actual recognition of such advertising in this Act effectively legalises such displays themselves. If you can legally advertise (albeit discreetly) performances that are obscene, indecent or pornographic, then surely it must follow that those performances themselves must be legal too.

26th September was the date on which censorship officially ceased. On the 27th, Hair opened at London’s Shaftesbury Theatre; ‘permissiveness’ had not taken long to become officially acceptable. In his book Confessions of a Counterfeit Critic, Charles Marowitz called it “the cohesion of a dozen contemporary trends” and concluded that “all drama criticism is irrelevant to such an event. The show is now rollicking its way into history.” To be accurate, Hair’s journey to the stage was not without its difficulties, and the timing of the first night was part-convenient and part-coincidental. The Lord Chamberlain had insisted on several changes, resulting in three separate versions of the script being lodged at his offices. The third version was much less hard-hitting as far as the Lord Chamberlain was concerned, but other management problems caused the production to be delayed anyway.

Hair’s chief raison d’être was to protest against American involvement in the Vietnamese war, and to advocate peace and free love. For the first time since the Restoration era, any member of the public was permitted to see potentially ‘offensive’ material without being invisibly chaperoned by the censor. The overall reaction of its audiences was one of joy – the show provided such an outright display of freedom, a total release from the infringement of liberty that had previously been endured. As Charles Marowitz further remarked, “it is alarming to see a conventional strobe-effect get a round of applause as if it were a breathtaking coup-de-theatre, and one gradually comes to realise that for many in the West End audience, the ‘underground’ is surfacing for the first time.”

Critics noted that the one scene which included full-frontal nudity was, in fact, the least successful and the most inhibited. When I saw the show in 2010, I found the scene where the Army draft card is ceremoniously burned far more intense and powerful than the nudity; but that’s with the benefit of several decades of freedom. Scott Fitzgerald, of If I Had Words and Eurovision fame, was a member of the original London cast, and he told me that the theatre management left it up to the individual performers to decide whether they would strip completely or not – whilst desperately hoping that they would, of course, so as to make as big a splash as possible.

The extent to which Hair survives as a relevant and high quality piece of dramatic art is a matter of some debate. However, from my perspective, I rate this show as possibly the healthiest and most significant event in the history of the British Theatre since Shakespeare’s Globe. “Hair” certainly introduced it to the enlightened Age of Aquarius:

“No more falsehoods or derisions,
Golden living dreams of visions,
Mystic crystal revelations,
And the mind’s true liberation”

as the song goes. You can relate “the mind’s true liberation” to being an escape from oppression of all kinds, and at the time those “golden living dreams” were largely hallucinatory or drug-induced. However, one can see in retrospect that the lifting of censorship could also be considered a ‘revelation’. The Lord Chamberlain’s Office would surely never have permitted the short song (appropriately entitled Sodomy):

“Sodomy, fellatio, cunnilingus, pederasty,
Father, why do these words sound so nasty?
Masturbation can be fun,
Join our holy orgy – Khamasutra everyone.”

This association between sexual practices in the first line – including one which is illegal – and religion in the second line (it’s a holy Father, not your dad) was designed to shock and to question old values; and with the disarmingly innocent tone struck with the use of the word nasty, to amuse as well. The new generation was obviously going to prize individualism and a determination to allow each person to lead his own life according to his own integrity – a new era of social morals and accepted behaviour. The curtain on a new era in the theatre was also being raised.

In my next blog post I’m returning to the 1909 guidelines and considering them in connection with Shaw’s Shewing Up of Blanco Posnet and Garnett’s The Breaking Point.

Theatre Censorship – 6: Taking Sides and Going Clubbing

You’ll remember, gentle reader, that the Society of West End Theatres was the only voice supporting the continuation of the Lord Chamberlain’s role as censor. Opposing SWET in this argument were, amongst others, the playwright John Osborne, the critic and commentator Kenneth Tynan, the director (and not yet knighted) Peter Hall, who represented the Royal Shakespeare Company, and writer, lawyer and creator of Rumpole, John Mortimer, who spoke on behalf of the League of Dramatists. All of them called for freedom for playwrights to be able to write without fear of censorship, a freedom that had never been enjoyed in Britain before. Tynan’s opposition to the Lord Chamberlain’s censorship was already well-known. In his collected reviews and essays Tynan Right and Left, he had already referred to the censor in print as “The Royal Smut-Hound”, describing him as a “baleful deterrent lurking on the threshold of creativity”.

It’s also interesting and revealing that Lord Cobbold, the Lord Chamberlain himself, did not approve of the fact that his office had the responsibility of censoring plays. His argument, which was put forward in the House of Lords on 17th February 1966, was in three parts: “It now seems to me absurd,” went his statement, “with the prevalence of drama in the other media, that the censorship of stage plays should be dealt with in an entirely separate category… I do not think it makes sense that any one individual should have that responsibility without any policy directives beyond what we can get out of the last report of the last Select Committee which, of course, was never approved by Parliament and is fifty years old anyhow; and that he should bear those responsibilities without any right of appeal against his decisions… It does seem to me to be constitutionally advisable in present circumstances that somebody who holds the position which I hold in the Royal Household should not bear the responsibilities of theatre censorship.”

But there was a get-out clause for dramatists in those days. The Lord Chamberlain’s ruling could usually be avoided by staging plays at Theatre Clubs – I say “usually” advisedly, because this was not a foolproof way of avoiding his judgment. Reference is made in the Committee’s report to the legal action brought against Saved by Edward Bond in 1966, which had an eight-week run performed by the English Stage Company under its name, the English Stage Society, at the Royal Court, under “club” rules. The report confirmed that where ‘a magistrate held that under Section 15 of the Act an offence was committed by any person who presented a play for hire, whether or not the general public was admitted.’

Among the early clubs only the Arts Theatre near Leicester Square survives today in near enough its original form; as early as 1928, a year after its opening, the Three Hundred Club used that theatre to stage the play Young Woodley by John Van Druten, ‘perhaps the most exquisite study in existence of a boy’s awakening to love’, according to the critic in the Daily Telegraph. The play had earlier been banned by the Lord Chamberlain for the rather charming misdemeanour of depicting a school prefect who falls in love with his housemaster’s wife – a perfectly realistic scenario, I’m sure. But the Lord Chamberlain at the time, Lord Cromer, attended a club performance at the Arts Theatre, and backtracked on his original decision, deciding to give it a licence after all, subject to the removal of just one line. This was probably the first instance of the Lord Chamberlain publicly changing his mind over his decision to ban a play.

In 1955 the Arts Theatre staged the first club performances of Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot (when it transferred to the Criterion theatre later that year the word “erection” had to be removed and the character Fartov was renamed Popov) and in 1956 of Jean Anouilh’s Waltz of the Toreadors. Also in 1956 London’s Comedy Theatre (now the Harold Pinter Theatre) became the headquarters of the New Watergate Theatre Club and was the home of such drama milestones as Arthur Miller’s View from the Bridge (1956), Robert Anderson’s Tea and Sympathy (1957), and Tennessee Williams’ Cat on a Hot Tin Roof (1958), all of which remained unlicensed because of their references to homosexuality. The popularity of these productions, combined with the publication of the Woolfenden report, recommending the decriminalisation of homosexual relationships, did much to persuade the Lord Chamberlain to relax his restrictions on homosexual matters on stage. In 1958 his office issued the following statement: “This subject is now so widely debated, written about and talked over, that its complete exclusion from the stage can no longer be regarded as justifiable.”

The memorandum went on to list the criteria which would influence the attitude of the censor:

“i) Every play will continue to be judged on its merits. The difference will be that plays will be passed that deal seriously with the subject.

ii) Plays violently homosexual will not be passed.

iii) Homosexual characters will not be allowed if their inclusion in the piece is unnecessary.

iv) Embraces or practical demonstrations of love between homosexuals will not be allowed.

v) Criticism of the present homosexual laws will be allowed, though plays obviously written for propaganda purposes will be judged on their merit.

vi) Embarrassing displays by male prostitutes will not be allowed.”

This list considerably helped to clarify the situation, although today they still appear far from suggesting there was an equal playing field between gay and straight characters. For example, one wonders exactly what a “violently homosexual” play would be; and with the benefit of hindsight it’s regrettable that a play couldn’t contain a gay character unless their homosexuality was a vital element of the play. Nevertheless, an unavoidable result of this more relaxed attitude was that, on the whole, theatre clubs began to die out; plays involving homosexuality had quickly become their basic fodder, and now their subscriptions were no longer a necessary part of theatre-going.

I’m going to take a short pause from the stage censorship blogs but in my next post, in a week or so, I’ll take a look at how Hair became the first show to open in London after the abolition of censorship.